Korshi Dosoo, LabEX RESMED

Table of Contents

I. The Semantic Field of Peace and its Demarcation by Coptic Lemmata
II. Individual Peace
III. Interpersonal Peace
IV. Religious and Cosmic Peace
V. Conclusions
VI. Abbreviations
VII. Bibliography
VIII. Notes


 

  1. “Peace”1 is key concept in many Coptic texts, expressed by several partially overlapping terms. This study will introduce the key lexemes used to express these ideas, and demonstrate how they may be used in different sources to express the concept of “peace” at the personal, interpersonal, and cosmic level.

     

    I. The Semantic Field of Peace and its Demarcation by Coptic Lemmata


  2. Before discussing how Coptic terms describe the semantic field of peace, it is worth highlighting one important feature of Coptic. As the final stage of the Egyptian language, the majority of its vocabulary comes directly from the pool of native words. Nonetheless, the conservatism of the earlier written forms of the language, and the cultural changes that took place concurrently with the rise of Coptic – the decline of traditional religion and the rise of Christianity – mean that the vocabulary of Coptic is often distinct from earlier stages, with certain words falling out of usage, others becoming more prominent, and many altering their meanings. Coptic also possesses a significant set of Greek loanwords in its vocabulary, although the meaning of these loanwords may not be exactly the same as their meaning in their source language. Perhaps still more important than the influence of Greek through borrowed words, however, is its role as the vehicle for Christian ideas. Most of the earliest written texts in Coptic, and many of the later ones, were translations from Greek, and in these we find both loanwords used to retain technical terms from the source language – Greek eirēnē (εἰρήνη; “peace”) almost without exception “translated” into Coptic as eirēnē (ⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ) – and the use of Coptic words to render the particular sense of Greek terms – katallagē (καταλλαγή), the “reconciliation” to God which was the basis of redemption in orthodox Christianity, translated into Coptic as hōtp (“reconciliation”).  This resulted both in the adoption of these Greek terms into the vocabulary of authors writing in Coptic, and in native Egyptian words acquiring new senses as technical vocabulary within particular contexts. With this in mind, let us now turn to these words.

  3. As we have seen, the Coptic word hōtp (ϩⲱⲧⲡ) may mean “to reconcile”, and also “to join”, but also, in the case of the sun and other celestial bodies, “to set”; as with most native Egyptian words, it may function both as a verb (“to reconcile”) and, with the addition of determiner, as a noun (“reconciliation”). While not the most important word in the semantic field of peace, hōtp is significant as the descendent of the older *ḥetep (ḥtp), the term most closely associated with peace in studies of Egyptian.2 Ḥetep seems to have referred to a sense of well-being, satisfaction, peacefulness, and rest, a state of individual or communal positive peace; it seems to be this sense, of “peaceful rest”, which led to its use to describe the setting of the sun, already present in Middle Egyptian. This state was brought into being and maintained by acts in accordance with *ma’at (mꜣꜥ.t) – the Egyptian conception of divinely-ordained justice, harmony, and order. These just acts could be, but were not necessarily, peaceful in themselves; the concept of opposition was central to Egyptian thought, mythologically exemplified by Apep, the serpent who existed outside, and posed a constant threat to, creation, and Seth, the god who caused trouble within both human and divine society. The forces these figures represented – the wild and the foreign – had to be contained by acts of divine and royal violence. In royal texts, “peace” (ḥetep) thus often refers to a state of submission imposed upon foreign states and cities by the king through battle; for an enemy ruler to ask for ḥetep means that he is submitting, surrendering according the terms of the Egyptian ruler. External submission and internal peace were both ḥetep, and were two sides of the same coin; subduing hostile external forces was a precondition for internal flourishing.

  4. In Coptic, the term hōtp is not quite so loaded; the reconciliation it describes does not seem to necessarily assume any power imbalance between the parties involved. But it is significant that Egypt seems to have lacked the ideological discourses of peace – as a lack of conflict, or an accord between equals – which are key to our modern understanding. The one pharaonic text which does seem to describe such a relationship of peace between equals is the treaty between Ramesses II and the Hittite King Hattušiliš III, concluded c.1259 BCE, and preserved in Egypt in the Temple of Karnak and the Ramesseum, although this document seems to represent the ideology of Akkadian-language Bronze Age diplomacy, rather than the usual Egyptian-centric cosmology within which ḥetep is usually understood.3

  5. More important than hōtp is eirēnē, the Greek term whose usual translation is “peace”. In contrast to Egypt, the Greek-speaking city states developed a particularly important discourse of peace, in particular after the violence of the Persian and Pelopponesian Wars of the fifth and fourth centuries BCE. Within this discourse peace was both the absence of polemos (πόλεμος), “war”, and the state of flourishing which resulted from this absence.4 This does not mean that the linking of peace to violence was absent in Greek discourse; we do find this idea, in particular, among the Hellenistic kings who succeeded Alexander the Great, among whom were the Ptolemaic Dynasty which ruled Egypt. In the famous Canopus Decree (238 BCE), written by an assembly of Egyptian priests in honour of Ptolemy III Euergetes (r.246-222 CE), the Greek version records the claim that:

    ...he (Ptolemy III) has maintained the country in peace (eirēnē) by fighting in its defence against many nations and their rulers...5

  6. Interestingly, where the Greek text uses eirēnē, the parallel Egyptian translations use *wedja (wḏꜣ), a term meaning “whole”, “safe”, or “healthy”, rather than ḥetep, capturing the sense of positive peace inherent in the Greek word, but not its negative sense of “absence of war”.6

  7. The fact that, by the time of written Coptic, Egyptian was no longer the language of a ruling class means that eirēnē is rarely encountered in discussions of intercommunal conflict; rather it is generally found in more abstract or restricted contexts. Nonetheless, Coptic did inherit from Greek an understanding of “peace” as the opposite of war; thus, in the famous Thunder: Perfect Mind from Nag Hammadi Codex VI (IV CE), we find the female speaker describing herself in a series of paradoxes:

    I am shameless; I am ashamed. I am strength and I am fear. I am war (polemos) and peace (eirēnē). Give heed to me.7

  8. The use of eirēnē in Coptic, however, has a second, and equally important cultural influence: that of the Hebrew Bible. While Hebrew had little direct influence on the Coptic stage of Egyptian, its influence can be felt through the Greek Bible. The Coptic Old Testament was translated from the Septuagint, the Greek translation made during the Ptolemaic period, which often displays Hebraisms in its use of Greek, and similar Hebraisms may be found in the Greek of the New Testament, influenced by that of the Septuagint. Eirēnē in Greek usually translates the Hebrew šalōm (שָׁלוֹם), whose sense was broader than its Greek equivalent, encompassing “completeness”, “wholeness”, “wellness”, and “welfare”, as well as “peace”.8 One obvious instance of this underlying Hebrew influence can be found in the habitual blessing “peace be upon you” (Hebrew שָׁלֹום לְךָ; šalōm-l’ka), translated into Greek (εἰρήνη σοι; eirēnē soi) and finally into Coptic (ϯⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲛⲁⲕ; t-eirēnē na-k).9 At each stage, the phrase underwent a change; the original Hebrew wish for well-being taking on the particular Greek nuance of “peace”, which in the context of Christianity could be understood specifically as the peace brought by Jesus, a significance probably heightened in Coptic by the use of the Greek loanword with its markedly Biblical associations.10

  9. It is interesting to note that this same phrase was re-adopted into both Coptic and Greek after the Muslim conquest of 642 CE, this time to translate the Arabic equivalent of the Hebrew/Aramaic greeting, as-salāmu ‘alayk (السلام عليك).11 This phrase appears in a few Greek letters, in every case apparently those written by functionaries of the state as a direct calque of the Arabic phrase;12 in Coptic it seems to have been used by the predominantly Christian population more broadly.13

  10. Alongside eirēnē, we find its adjectival form eirēnikos (εἰρηνικός; “peaceful”) in Coptic, often in its neuter form eirēnikon (ⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲓⲕⲟⲛ).14

  11. Despite the significance of eirēnē, it existed alongside a native word with a similar importance within the semantic field of peace, in by the native word mton (ⲙ̅ⲧⲟⲛ), from the older Egyptian *meden (mdn). Mton has a range of meanings, the simplest of which seems to be simply “being” or “resting” in a place:

    Who will rest (mton) on your holy mountain? 15

  12. This sense of “resting” in a place seems to have a nuance of being “comfortable” or “at home” in a place; we often find in Coptic the expression “resting place” (ma nemton; ⲙⲁ ⲛⲙ̅ⲧⲟⲛ), which seems to refer to the “home” or “dwelling place”, often of divine beings:

     “For the heaven is my throne, the earth is my footstool. What house will you build for me?”, says the Lord. “And of what type is my dwelling place (ma nemton)?”16

  13. But mton can have more abstract meanings; to become mton is to find “relief” from worries, problems, pain or suffering, and to be mⲟtn (ⲙⲟⲧⲛ, the stative form) means to be in this state of peace. Coptic also speaks of “giving” (ti; ϯ), “receiving” (ji; ϫⲓ), and “seeking” (kjine; ϭⲓⲛⲉ) mton. It is probably significant that mton is used in translated texts to render a number of Greek terms, the most important among which are anapausis (ἀνάπαυσις; “rest”) and its cognates; this is in fact how it is used in the second of the examples given above. The precise meaning of mton, particularly in translated texts, may thus depend to some extent on the meaning of the word which is translates. Interestingly, anapausis itself is also found as a loanword in Coptic, although its use is somewhat inconsistent; while the New Testament translations seem to use mton in every case to translate anapausis, Old Testament translations, and those of the non-orthodox “Gnostic” texts, may use either, and both may be found in later texts composed in Coptic, although anapausis seems to have had a more technical sense, often linked to the “rest” of the dead.

  14. While these four terms – hōtp, eirēnē, mton and anapausis – will be the most important in the following study, there are a few other relevant terms in Coptic.  Diathēkē (διαθήκη; ⲇⲓⲁⲑⲏⲕⲏ) is the Greek work for a “peace treaty”, “will”, or “testament”, used in Coptic Bible translations to describe treaties between nations, but also the “covenant” between God and his people – the Israelites – and later the “New Covenant” (ⲇⲓⲁⲑⲏⲕⲏ ⲛ̅ⲃⲣⲣⲉ; diathēkē nbrre < Gk. καινὴ διαθήκη; kainē diathēkē) established by Jesus.17 Skjraht (ⲥϭⲣⲁϩⲧ < Eg. sgrḥ) is a native word meaning “stillness”, “silence”, or to “rest”, important in Christianity as a translation18 of hēsukhia (ἡσυχία; ϩⲏⲥⲩⲭⲓⲁ) meaning, likewise, “rest”, “quiet”, “stillness”, or “solitude”; this latter word too may be found in Coptic, though, as with anapausis, it is used less often than its native equivalent, and usually in technical contexts referring to the still and solitary life of monasticism. Hrok (ϩⲣⲟⲕ < Eg. grḥ) is a cognate of skjraht, used as an alternative translation for hēsukhia, and with a very similar range of meanings – “calmness”, stillness” – and the slightly extended meaning “to stop (doing something)”, another example of “passivity” or “inaction” showing up within the lexical field of peace.

     

    II. Individual Peace


  15. While it may seem strange to discuss peace on an individual level, the English phrase “inner peace” is just one example of the way in which the dynamics of peace and conflict can be understood as taking place within a single person. In Coptic texts, the terms which describe the semantic field of peace may be used to refer to individual wellbeing on a mental, spiritual, and physical level. The most important lemma in this regard is mton, which we often find in the phrase mton n-hēt (ⲙⲧⲟⲛ ⲛ̅ϩⲏⲧ), “peace of heart”, used to refer to a state of being free from cares and worries. This “peace of heart” is contrasted with terms such as hise (ϩⲓⲥⲉ), “toil” or “suffering”, mkah n-hēt (ⲙⲕⲁϩ ⲛ̅ϩⲏⲧ), “heart-pain” or “heart-trouble”, and thlipsis (ⲑⲗⲓⲯⲓⲥ < Gk. θλῖψις), “affliction”.19 While it is tempting to see a physical dimension to these expressions involving the “heart”, it is likely that the phrases are to a certain extent simply idiomatic; the “heart” in Egyptian was understood as the seat of thought, so that its mention may simply indicate that the suffering or peace is mental rather than physical.

  16. In personal letters, correspondents often use the terminology of peace/suffering to express feelings of worry and relief:

    My heart was at peace (mton) when I found out about your welfare and that of your household through our brother Apollo.20

  17. Another letter expresses very neatly the relationship between suffering and peace:

    Now then, my beloved son, all the things I have entrusted (?) to you: do not neglect them until I reach you. For I know that you will toil (hise), because you are on your own everyone toils (hise) until they find rest (mton). Now, if you can bear up, you will get relief (motnes < mton) all the more.21

  18. Here the exact meaning of mton is ambivalent; the letter comes from a Manichaean community, within which mton was often used to describe the peaceful state of salvation. Is the writer encouraging his addressee, whom he calls his “son”, to bear suffering until he finds salvation after death? A more mundane explanation seems likely, given the mention of things “entrusted” to the addressee, and the various instructions that follow – “take care of the camel”, “do not let the son of Prememouris mock you”: the author is instructing his son to put up with the hard work (hise), since it is a fact of life, but encouraging him my reminding him that rest or peace (mton) is equally real, and that he may find it through hard work.

    This sense of “labour” as suffering which must be endured in hope of finding “rest” is found in other Coptic texts; its use here parallels that of anapausis and its cognates in the Greek Bible:

    Pharaoh said, “Behold, now they (the Israelites) are greater in number than the people of the land (of Egypt). Let us not give them rest (ti mton; Gk. καταπαύσωμεν) in their works.22

  19. The idea of peace-rest/suffering-labour as a pair of opposed principles could take on cosmic proportions; in one untitled “Gnostic” text, likely translated from Greek, “rest” is aligned with “life” and “light”, while “toil” is aligned with “death” and “darkness”. In this narrative, the “Lord of the Whole Earth” (ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲙⲡⲕⲁϩ ⲧⲏⲣϥ) divides matter into two lands:

  20. And those that fled to him worshipped him. He gave to them the land on the right side of him, and he granted to them eternal life and immortality. And he called (the land) on the right side ‘the land of life’, and that on the left ‘the land of death’. And he called the land on the right side ‘the land of light’, and that on the left ‘the land of darkness.' And he called the land on the right side 'the land of rest’ (mton), and the land on the left ‘the land of toil’ (hise).23

  21. As we might expect, the concept of “rest” from labour as an ideal to be striven for was not uncontested. In one of his Canons, Shenoute (c.347-465 CE), the Archimandrite of the White Monastery confederation, criticised those monks who rested when they should be practicing ascesis:

    … instead of mortifying (mkah) themselves in fasting, they have eaten and they have drunk and they have rested (mton) themselves, until they have destroyed all their works… Jesus will judge them on that day on which he will seek their (good) works, and they will not be found, or they will be found and they will be ashamed of them, for they will not escape the eternal fire.24

  22. But the monastic life could also be understood as a kind of “rest”, in the sense of a quietness and stillness of heart achieved through self-discipline; the terms used for this are hēsukhia, skjraht, and, less often, eirēnē.25 Given the importance of monasticism in Egyptian Christianity, many texts survive extolling the value of this kind of peace; in one text, Theophilos (r.384-412 CE), the patriarch of Alexandria, tells Horesios, the leader of the Pachomian monastic federation:

     To live the contemplative life (hēsukhaze; ⲏⲥⲩⲭⲁⲍⲉ < Gk. ἡσυχάζειν) is a gladness and a joy, and riches.26

  23. Alongside mental well-being, mton could also refer to physical health; this is often rather literal, in the case of a medical text which offers relief (mton) for someone who is vomiting up blood.27 An excellent example of the way that physical and mental well-being could be placed in relation to one another comes from another seventh century letter:

    [You wrote] that the great man's body was [sick] and my heart was pained (mkah). But afterward [you wrote] that, see, he is recovered (mton) and my heart was set at rest (mton).28

  24. Here we see a double juxtaposition: the pain of worry is juxtaposed with the suffering of sickness which caused it, as is the relief from both worry and the sickness.

  25. “Rest” (mton) has a range of related and extended meanings, which it is worth briefly mentioning here. As the opposite of toil and labour, it could be used to refer to something which was “easy”:

    Be so kind, if the matter is easy (motn < mton) for you, if [you] find a man about to go north to the dwelling of Apa John of Pshoueb… so that he may send to Keft and seek a baker well skilled in baking… so that he may bake us our bread, and we will give him his wage.29

  26. Likewise, it could be used to refer to the “easy” and “pleasant” life of those who possess material comforts; in one text Shenoute compares the “rest” (mton) of the rich with the “suffering” (hise) of the poor.30 Something similar to a general sense of “well-being” may be intended in a characteristic expression found in the letters from the fourth-century Manichaean settlement of Kellis:

    Greet warmly for me the ones who give you rest (ti mton), the elect and the catechumens, each one by name.31

  27. Again, it is tempting here to see a particularly Manichaean sense to “rest”, but the presence of similar phrases in letters from the Fayum in orthodox Christian contexts suggests that a more general meaning should be understood;32 people give one another mton by making their lives pleasant.

     

    III. Interpersonal Peace


  28. Mton may also be used to refer to “peace” on an interpersonal level; in one letter, a widow describes how she attempted to encourage men to whom her husband had lent corn to pay her back:

    And see, I have made them many visits, (saying), “Write me (a bill) for it, so that the place be at peace (mton), and you may pay me a little yearly”.33

  29. Here mton seems to refer to harmony that can only exist after interpersonal problems have been resolved. But when we turn to relationships between people, mton is no longer the most important term; instead we typically find eirēnē (“peace”) and hōtp (“reconciliation”). The first of these may be made into a verb with the addition of the word “make” – eire eirēnē (ⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ; “to make peace”) and the two occur together in the phrase hōtp e-u-eirēnē (ϩⲱⲧⲡ ⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ), “reconcile into peace”.

  30. Eirēnē in this context seems to refer to interpersonal harmony and good-will; in several texts Shenoute contrasts it to “enmity” (ⲙⲛ̅ⲧϫⲁϫⲉ; mnt-jaje):

    Woe to us, for we have perverted everything, until we have stumbled upon these many evils; instead of truth, lies; instead of purity, defilement; instead of peace (eirēnē), enmity (mnt-jaje); instead of listening in obedience according to the commandments, we have been disobedient.34

  31. By contrast, a brief episode from the Sayings of the Desert Fathers provides a positive example of what is meant by “peace” in this context:

    There were two brothers for many years in one place. They were never in conflict (ⲙⲓϣⲉ; miše) with each other and they lived in peace (eirēnē) until the day of their death.35

  32. Here, “peace” is explicitly understood as a lack of conflict, with the positive aspects unstated, and perhaps assumed. If this peace has been broken by violence or conflict, people must be reconciled (hōtp), or the peace must be “made” (eire) again:

    Kypha (Simon Peter) said: “Do not cause divisions (ⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲛ̅ϩⲉⲙⲡⲱⲣϫ; eire n-hen-pōrj); reconcile (hōtp) those who fight (miše) into peace (eirēnē) with one another”.36

  33. A more concrete example of what interpersonal peace might mean may be found in a tenth-century magical text:

    (For)  a woman whose husband is violent to her. Draw the image on an ostracon, fill it with oil. Add natron (?). Speak the prayer over it, anoint her face. There will be peace (eirēnē) for her.37

  34. Here peace is counterposed to violence; violence within a household prevents peace, and so by implication, magically bringing about peace will end the violence. Other spells to bring about peace are less altruistic; a roughly contemporary spell for “favour”, that is, general good fortune and success, concludes with the following exhortation:

    Give favour (χάρις; kharis). Give a silencing. Give peace (eirēnē). Give a fortune. Give a collection. Give desire. Give every skill.38

  35. While “peace” is listed here among various material goods, its closeness to “silencing” (ⲕⲁ ⲣⲱϥ; ka rō-f) suggests it may be not simply harmony, but rather a “peace” which comes from the “silencing” of enemies, a common theme in curses.

     

    IV. Religious and Cosmic Peace


  36. The vast majority of Coptic texts were written within a Christian environment, within which “peace” is a key theme. As we have seen, the Hebrew concept of peace lies behind many of the uses of eirēnē in the Greek and Coptic Old Testament, but this “peace” takes on an extended meaning in Christianity; the Christian God is a “God of Peace”,39 the Gospel is a “Gospel of Peace”,40 and so on.

  37. As already mentioned, hōtp, “reconciliation”, may be used to express the work of Jesus in creating a relationship between God and man, saving human beings; his work is called a “ministry of reconciliation” (diakōnia n-hōtp):41

    If, while we were enemies, we were reconciled to God through the death of his Son, much more, having been reconciled (hōtp), we shall be saved through his life. But not only this, we also exult in God through our lord Jesus the Christ, through whom we have now received the reconciliation (hōtp).42

  38. While Biblical texts typically use hōtp to express this saving “peace”, non-orthodox, “gnostic” texts tend to use a wider range of terms. In the text known as the Pistis Sophia (c.IV CE), eirēnē is described as a power possessed by Jesus Christ which effects salvation:

    Peace (eirēnē), on the other hand, is the power of Sabaoth the Good which is within thee. It is this which baptised and forgave the race of mankind and made them to be at peace (eirēnē) with the sons of Light.43

  39. More often, they may refer to the salvation itself as a state of “rest” (mton or anapausis); the Gospel of Truth, for example, expresses salvation as follows:

    They (who possess something from the Father) do not go down to Hades, nor have they envy, nor groaning, nor death within them, but they rest (mton) in him who is at rest (mton), not striving nor being twisted around the truth.44

  40. And this same idea of salvific peace may be found in Manichaean texts found in fourth-century Kellis:

    Still, this is the way that it is fitting  [for those in] this [body,] to strip themselves of the world that they [may] pursue love and (thus) find rest (mton) [at] their end.45

  41. We know from Aramaic glossaries found in Kellis that these texts may well have been translations, not of Greek texts, but rather of Aramaic, and the word “rest” corresponds to the Aramaic ḥ (nwḥ), ”to rest, be relieved, cease”.46

  42. Several studies have shown that the concepts of “rest”, “immovability”, and stillness are key ones in gnostic cosmologies; while the material world is a place of constant movement, and by consequence, violence, labour, toil and suffering, the divine world is a place of stillness, and therefore peace. While these ideas are stressed in the gnostic texts, they are not original to them; they can be traced back through Platonist philosophy, to a tradition of “stillness” (hēsukhia) which has parallels in both vocabulary and practice with later Christian monasticism.47

  43. Divine peace was also an ideal within orthodox Christianity, although the means of expression was slightly different; as we have seen, “peace be unto you” was a conventional greeting inherited from Hebrew, whose specific meaning may have been to some extent bleached, but the concept of “peace” as a blessing was an important one in Christianity:

    (Jesus said:) “And if the house is worthy, let your peace (eirēnē) come over it. But if it happens that it (the house) is not worthy, let your peace (eirēnē) return to you”.48

  44. Here, peace is a blessing which the apostles are capable of giving and taking away, presumably understood broadly as “wellbeing”. The concept of a “blessing of peace” took on a codified form in the liturgy of the Coptic Church, in which an intercession for peace was one of the key prayers made before the eucharist; the earliest known versions of this prayer date to the fourth or fifth century CE, and consisted of a prayer for the peace of the church, the rulers, the sick, travellers, the fruits of the earth, the deceased and the bishops.49 It remains in the liturgy to this day, having grown over time to encompass more and more subjects; one small selection from the medieval Bohairic recension reads as follows:

    Remember, o Lord, the peace (eirēnē) of thy one only holy catholic and apostolic church, which is from one end of the world to the other: bless all the peoples and all the lands: the peace that is from heaven grant in all our hearts but also the peace of this life bestow upon us graciously. The king, the armies, the magistrates, the councillors, the multitudes, our neighbours, our goings in and our goings out, order them in all peace. O king of peace, grant us thy peace for thou hast given us all things: possess us, o God, for beside thee we know none other: we make mention of thine holy name.50

  45. Here we see several aspects of peace simultaneously – peace is from God and heaven, but can be experienced on earth, both internally (“in our hearts”) and externally, both in this life, and in the next.

  46. Another important Hebraism preserved in Coptic is “in peace”, from the Hebrew b’shalōm (בְּשָׁלֹום), rendered in Greek as en (“in”) or eis (“to”) eirēnē,51 and in Coptic as hn-ou-eirēnē (ϩⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ). In the books of the Bible this phrase may be used to indicate a state of “wellness” or “peace”:

    And I in peace (hn-ou-eirēnē) will at once lie down and sleep, for you alone have made me dwell in hope.52

  47. Or in wishes or blessings that someone be well:

    And he, he said to her, “My daughter, it is your faith that has saved you. Go in peace (hn-ou-eirēnē), and be healed of your affliction”.53>

  48. In the Coptic translations, “in peace” was adopted to the extent that it even replaced other adverbial phrases, such as “in hope”, apparently due to its greater familiarity:54

    Coptic: But he who listens to me, he will rest (mton) in peace (hn-ou-eirēnē), being strong, and he will go on without fear of any evil.

    Greek: But he who hears me will encamp in hope (ἐπ' ἐλπίδι; ep’ elpidi) and will be at ease without any fear of any evil.55

  49. Its use continued in texts composed in Coptic, where it often precedes “amen” at the end of blessings and prayers, blessings and greetings, as in this letter:

    May my lord Jesus Christ and the prayers of all the saints bless you (pl.) and increase you in all good things and give you and those with you a long life in the peace (hn-ou-eirēnē) of God! Amen!56

    In a similar manner, it could be used as a sort of “pious coda”, affixed to the title of texts, along with “amen”:

    The Encomium Which Our Holy Father Flavianos, Bishop of the City of Ephesus, Pronounced Upon Saint Demetrius… In the Peace (hn-ou-eirēnē) of God. Amen.57 [Text begins]

  50. Nonetheless, it could still be used in more meaningful contexts, as the following example from a letter shows:

    …settle with (?) this poor man in peace (hn-ou-eirēnē).58

  51. Here, the phrase “in peace” seems to recover its original meaning, “peacefully” or “without fuss or difficulty”.

  52. The most immediate context where “peace” expressed “salvation” in orthodox Christianity is that of death. The metaphor of death as “sleep” or “peace” has a long history; ḥetep and meten could be used with this sense in earlier stages of Egyptian, and the same euphemism can be found in Hebrew, Greek and Latin, to mention only a few of the ancient languages of the Mediterranean.59 Within the context of death, we may discriminate three senses of “peace”.

  53. The first is the process of dying as “peace”, or as “falling asleep” or “rest”. In Coptic funerary stela,60 this is often expressed as mton:

    She rested (mton) on the tenth of (the month of) Mesore. In peace (hn-ou-eirēnē).61

  54. Similar phrases are found in Greek texts from the Egypt, using anapausis and its cognates, and may ultimately be traced to Biblical texts, rendering, again, the Hebrew b’shalōm.

    And you (Abraham) shall go to your fathers in peace (Copt. hn-ou-eirēnē; Gk. met’ eirēnē; Heb. b’šalōm), having been cared for in your good old age.62

  55. The second sense, closely related, and often difficult to distinguish from the first, is of death itself as “rest”, a state of peace and repose. In one testament, we find the following:

     ... Victor will be in charge of all of [the tasks] for all his life… carrying out the holy liturgy in the place… again he will complete every task in all obedience and in all conscientiousness, being pleasing to God and the monastic life, for the glory of the holy place (the monastery) and the rest (anapausis) of the holy fathers and the community and the administration of the holy place…63

  56. The third sense, again subtly different, is the idea of rest in death; that is, that death itself is not rest, but that rest may be experienced by the dead through the intervention of God. This idea is implicit in funerary stelae which express the hope, rather than the fact, that the deceased rest:

  57. One is God, the helper of all. Do not cry; no-one is immortal on the earth. The day that the blessed Hellene, daughter of Eshapeti rested (mton) was the twenty-fourth of the month of Paone. May God give rest (anapausis) to her soul, and may he forgive her sins, and may he place her in the bosom of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. The Era of the Saracens, 293 (907 CE).64

  58. In this example, we see both the first and the third senses of “rest” in relation to death; “rest” as the act of dying, and as the salvation which God may grant to the dead, here distinguished by the words used, mton and anapausis – Coptic for the act itself, Greek for the concept.  The third sense, rest as a possibility in death rather than death itself, is even clearer in the cases where the damnation of the unsaved is described; again, this has a scriptural basis:

  59. And the smoke of their torment will rise forever and ever, and they will not receive rest (mton) in the day and night, those that will worship the beast and his image and who will give glory to his name.65

  60. Likewise, in the hagiography known as the Life of Pisentius, the Bishop of Keft, the text describes how the holy man was spending the night in a pagan tomb when one of the mummies buried there began to speak and describe his torments:

    My father (Pisentius) said to him (the mummy), "From when you died until the present, have you not received any rest (mton), or have you been given a little time without suffering (hise)?" The mummy said, “Yes, my father, they take pity on we who are in all these torments on the Sabbath and the Lord's Day. When the Lord's Day is finished, we are cast into the torments that we deserve and we forget the years we were in the world. After we have forgotten the pain of this torment, they bring us to another even more painful (hise). But when you prayed for me now, the Lord commanded those who afflicted me, and they took from my mouth the iron bit that they had placed in my mouth, and I came to you. See, I have told you all that has happened to me. Oh lord father, pray for me that I will be given a little rest (mton) and that I will not be put in that place again!”665

  61. While “peace” here may have a metaphysical dimension, it has a very concrete meaning – the absence of post-mortem torments, and the presence of post-mortem happiness. But in other religious texts it may take on more abstract meanings. In Ephesians 2.14 Paul says that “he (Jesus) is our peace (eirēnē)”,67 and this idea that “peace” was God, or one of his aspects or powers, became an important theme in apocryphal and “gnostic” texts. We have already seen that in the Pistis Sophia “peace” is a power possessed by Jesus, which enables him to bring “peace” to humanity through salvation. Another example may be found in the Untitled Text of the Bruce Codex, in which Peace is one of six divine beings, alongside Love (agapē), Hope (elpis), Faith (pistis), and Knowledge (gnōsis):

    The fifth (power) is called Peace (eirēnē), through which peace (eirēnē) was given to all those within and those without, because in it was the All created.68

  62. This idea, of peace as one among a number of abstract powers or virtues, can again be traced to the Pauline letters:

  63. And the fruit of the Spirit is love (agapē), joy, peace (eirēnē), long-sufferingness, excellence, goodness, and faith (pistis).69

  64. This same idea, that these virtues represented aspects of God, may be found in texts which are less explicitly “gnostic”; in one magical text intended to be used as an amulet, we find the following theological statement:

  65. God is peace (eirēnē), God is health, God is justice, God is light, Lord God of the powers:  Michael is usually translated as ‘peace’, that is, ‘the god of light’, Gabriel, ‘god and man’, Raphael ‘health’, Uriel ‘power’, Sedekiel, ‘justice’, Anael, ‘obedience’, Azael ‘mercy’. All of these are 25 the names of God, and all of these are the archangels’ names, and everyone who has them, who carries them (as an amulet), has a great helper, filled with every good, because God is with us.70

  66. Here the powers of God manifest in the form of his archangels, each of which possesses one of these powers or virtues. While the precise names of the angels, and the powers/virtues, varies between texts, it is interesting that there is a regular association of Michael, the chief archangel, with “peace”.71

    V. Conclusions


  67. This discussion has given a brief overview of the principal lemmata which demarcate the semantic field of “peace” in Coptic. The nature of the language – as one which was primarily used to transmit and compose Christian texts – means that it has been essential to pay attention to the Greek and even Hebrew substructures which may have influenced the use of the language through loanwords, calques, and nuances which native words might take on in particular contexts. As we have seen, “peace” overlaps strongly with the idea of “rest”, which in turn leads to the concepts of “relief” and “wellbeing”. These senses draw upon concepts deeply rooted in Hebrew, Greek and Egyptian thought – the idea of peace both as the absence of conflict, and as an ideal state of wholeness. As most Coptic texts are not concerned with the actions of nations, but rather with the human, interpersonal, and divine spheres, “peace” is defined not in opposition to “war”, but rather to “suffering”. “Suffering” – pain, labour, sickness, conflict – is a reality in every life, and “peace”, within this discourse, is its negation, the promise of an end to, or a pause in, suffering.

  68. At an individual level, this may take the form of mental peace and physical health, the absence of pain or toil (hise), usually expressed in Coptic with the word mton. At an interpersonal level, “peace” may be understood as an absence of hostility, violence, or conflict, expressed as eirēnē, which can be achieved, when disturbed, through the act of reconciliation (hōtp). In the religious sphere, “peace” and “rest” take on even more significant roles, with “peace” (eirēnē) as an attribute of God, salvation as reconciliation (hōtp) to God through Jesus, and death as resting (mton), and ideally, as rest (mton/anapausis).

  69. While all of these represent fairly concrete usages, the importance of the discourse of “peace” led to its use in conventional phrases where we might expect some of its meaning to have been lost; “peace be unto you” (eirēnē na-k) may be understood simply as a greeting, while the phrase “in peace” (hn-ou-eirēnē) is often used simply as a prefix to “amen” at the end of wishes, prayers and even the titles of texts; this is likely due to their origin in Hebrew, Aramaic, and Arabic, in which they would already have become stock phrases even before their translation. Such an abstraction of “peace” (eirēnē) may also be glimpsed in texts in which it becomes simply an attribute of God, at times personified as a “power” or archangel. Yet even here, “peace” retains some of its meaning; in the Pistis Sophia, and in magical texts, it is this abstract power, “Peace”, which is responsible for bringing the experience of “peace” to human beings.

     

VI. Appendix: The Terminology of Peace in Coptic


ⲁⲛⲁⲡⲁⲩⲥⲓⲥ anapausis
From Greek ἀνάπαυσις
Noun: Rest (often in death)
Selected sublemma:
ϯ ⲁⲛⲁⲡⲁⲩⲥⲓⲥ ti anapausis to give rest

ⲇⲓⲁⲑⲏⲕⲏ diathēkē
From Greek διαθήκη
Noun: will, testament, covenant, treaty
Selected sublemma:
ⲇⲓⲁⲑⲏⲕⲏ ⲙⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ diathēkē m-p-joeis Covenant of the Lord
ⲇⲓⲁⲑⲏⲕⲏ ⲛⲃⲣⲣⲉ diathēkē n-brre New Covenant, New Testament

ⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ eirēnē
From Greek εἰρήνη
Noun: peace, harmony
Selected sublemma:
ⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ eire eirēnē to make peace
ⲙⲛⲧⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ mnt-eirēnē peacefulness
ⲣⲉϥⲣⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ref-r-eirēnē peacemaker
ϩⲱⲧⲡ ⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ hōtp e-u-eirēnē reconcile (into peace)

ⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲓⲕⲟⲛ eirēnikon; ⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲓⲕⲟⲥ eirēnikos
From Greek εἰρηνικός, ή, όν
Noun: peaceful
Selected sublemma:
ⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲛ̅ⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲓⲕⲟⲥ eire eneirēnikos to be peaceful

ⲏⲥⲩⲭⲁⲍⲉ ēsukhaze
From Greek ἡσυχάζω
Verb: to rest, keep quiet; to live the monastic life

ⲙⲟⲧⲛⲉⲥ motnes
From Egyptian mdn
Noun: ease, contentment, satisfaction
May translate e.g. Greek ἀνάπαυσις

ⲙⲧⲟⲛ mton
From Egyptian mdn
Verb: To be calm, tranquil, rest, relieved, healed; be at ease; to be easy; reflexive: to rest oneself, to die
Noun: Rest, relief, ease
Selected sublemma:
ⲙⲁ ⲛⲙⲧⲟⲛ ma n-mton resting place
ⲙⲧⲟⲛ ⲛϩⲏⲧ mton n-hēt peace of mind, internal peace
ϯ ⲙⲧⲟⲛ ti mton to give peace
May translate e.g. Greek ἀναπαύω, εὐψυχέω, ἡσυχάζω, ὑγιάζω; Syriac nw

ⲥϭⲣⲁϩⲧ skjraht
From Egyptian sgr
Verb: To be at rest, tranquil, calm, pause, be quiet
Noun: Quiet, silence, rest
May translate e.g. Greek ἡσυχάζω, σιωπάω

ϩⲣⲟⲕ hrok
From Egyptian grvia metathesis
Verb: to be calm, tranquil; to cease, calm
Noun: Quietness
May translate e.g. ἡσυχάζω, κοπάζω, παύω,

ϩⲏⲥⲩⲭⲓⲁ
From Greek ἡσυχία
Noun: stillness, peace, rest, quiet, solitude

ϩⲱⲣϭ
From Egyptian grvia metathesis
Verb: to be heaped up, set in order
Noun: order, harmony

ϩⲱⲧⲡ hōtp
From Egyptian ḥtp
Verb: to join, to attune, be reconciled, to set (of celestial bodies)
Noun: reconciliation
Selected sublemma:
ϩⲱⲧⲡ ⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ hōtp e-u-eirēnē reconcile (into peace)
May translate e.g. ἁρμόζω, εἰρηνεύω

 

VI. Abbreviations


Gr. Greek

Eg. Middle Egyptian

TM Trismegistos number

 

VII. Bibliography


Almond, Mathew. A Comparative Study of Loanword Integration in Fourth-Century Coptic Literature, unpublished doctoral thesis, Macquarie University, 2011.

Alonso, Victor. “War, Peace, and International Law in Ancient Greece”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub, War and Peace in the Ancient World, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2007, pp.206-225.

Amélineau, Emile. “Un évêque de Keft au VIIe siècle”, Mémoires présentés à l’Institut égyptien, vol.2, 1889.

––––––  Œuvres de Schenoudi: Texte copte et traduction française, Paris, Ernest Leroux, 1911.

Bell, Lanny. “Conflict and Reconciliation in the Ancient Middle East: The Clash of Egyptian and Hittite Chariots in Syria, and the World’s First Peace Treaty between ‘Superpowers’”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub, War and Peace in the Ancient World, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2007, pp.98-120.

Bickel, Susanne. “Concepts of Peace in Ancient Egypt”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub (ed.), Peace in the Ancient World: Concepts and Theories, Oxford, Wiley Blackwell, 2016, pp.43-66.

Brightman, F.E. Liturgies Eastern and Western. Vol.1. Eastern Liturgies, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1896.

Brown, F., S.R. Driver and C. Briggs (eds.). The Brown-Driver-Briggs Hebrew and English Lexicon, Hendrickson Publishers, 1994.

Brown, S. Kent. “Coptic and Greek inscriptions from Christian Egypt: A Brief Review”, in Birger A. Pearson and James E. Goehring, The Roots of Egyptian Christianity, Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1986, pp.26-41.

Bryce, Trevor. “The ‘Eternal Treaty’ from the Hittite perspective”, British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan, vol.6, 2006, pp.1-11.

Budge, E.A. Wallis. Coptic Martyrdoms in the Dialect of Upper Egypt, London, 1914.

Comblin, José. La paix dans la théologie de saint Luc, Louvain, Louvain Publications universitaires de Louvain, 1956.

Cramer, Maria. Die Totenklage bei den Kopten, Vienna and Leipzig, Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1941.

Crum, Walter E. Der Papyruscodex saec. VI-VII der Philippsbibliothek in Cheltenham, Strasbourg, Karl J. Trübner, 1915.

Davies, Vanessa. The Dynamics of ‘Hetep’ in Ancient Egypt, Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, University of Chicago, 2010.

Depauw, Mark. The Demotic Letter, Sommerhausen, Gisela Zauzich Verlag, 2006.

Feder, Frank (project coordinator). Digital Edition of the Coptic Old Testament, Göttingen Academy of Sciences and Humanities, online at http://coptot.manuscriptroom.com/

Gardner, Iain. Kellis Literary Texts, Oxford, Oxbow Books, 1996, vol.1.

Gardner, Iain, Anthony Alcock, and Wolf-Peter Funk. Coptic Documentary Texts from Kellis Volume 1 (P.Kell. V), Oxford, Oxbow Books, 1999.

Goedicke, Hans. “Rs m ḥtp”, Studien zur altägyptischen Kultur, 34, 2006, pp.187-204.

Goelet, Ogden Jr., and Baruch A. Levine. “Making Peace in Heaven and on Earth: Religious and Legal Aspects of the Treaty between Ramesses II and Hattušili III”, in Meir Lubetski, Claire Gottlieb and Sharon Keller (eds.), Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon, Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, 1998, pp.252-299.

Konstan, David. “War and Reconciliation in Greek Literature”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub, War and Peace in the Ancient World, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2007, pp.191-205.

Kropp, Angelicus M. Ausgewählte Koptische Zaubertexte, Brussels, Fondation Égyptologique Reine Élizabeth, 1931, vol.1.

Lagarde, P. Aegytiaca, Göttingen, 1883.

Lattimore, Richmond. Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs, Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1942.

Lorton, David. The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dyn. XVIII, Baltimore and London, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore and London, 1974.

Ménard, Jacques E. “Le repos, salut du gnostique”, in Aspects du salut: Colloque du C.E.R.I.T., Université des Sciences Humaines de Strasbourg, 1977, pp.71-88.

Mihálykó, Agnes T. Writing the Christian Liturgy in Egypt (3rd to 9th cent.), unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Oslo, 2016.

Mina, Togo. Inscriptions coptes et grecques de Nubie, Cairo, Société archéologique copte, 1942.

O'Toole, Robert F. “Εἰρήνη, an Underlying Theme in Acts 10,34-43”, Biblica, vol. 77.4, 1996, pp. 461-476.

Raaflaub, Kurt A. “Conceptualizing and Theorizing Peace in Ancient Greece”, Transactions of the American Philological Association, vol. 139.2, 2009, pp.225-250.

––––––  “Greek Concepts and Theories of Peace”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub (ed.), Peace in the Ancient World: Concepts and Theories, Oxford, Wiley Blackwell, 2016, pp.122-157.

Rahlfs, Alfred (ed.). Septuaginta, id est Vetus Testamentum Graece iuxta LXX interpretes, Stuttgart, Privilegierte Württembergische Bibelanstalt, 1935.

Roldán, Minerva Alganza. “Eiréne y otras palabras griegas sobre la paz”, in F. A. Muñoz, B. Molina Rueda (eds.), Cosmovisiones de Paz en el Mediterráneo antiguo y medieval, Granada, Universidad de Granada, 1998, pp.123-152.

Ṣalīb, Abd al-Masīḥ (ed.). ⲡⲓϫⲱⲙ ⲛⲧⲉ ⲡⲓⲉⲩⲭⲟⲗⲟⲅⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲑⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ (=Euchologion), Cairo, 1902.

Schmidt, Carl (ed.), Violet MacDermot (transl.). The Books of Jeu and the Untitled Test in the Bruce Codex, Brill, Leiden, 1978.

––––––  Pistis Sophia, Leiden, Brill, 1978.

Sürenhagen, Dietrich. “Forerunners of the Hattusili-Ramesses treaty”, British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan, vol.6, 2006, pp.59-67.

Swift, Louis J. “Early Christian Views on Violence, War, and Peace”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub, War and Peace in the Ancient World, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2007, pp.279-296.

Tritle, Lawrence A. “‘Laughing for Joy’: War and Peace Among the Greeks”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub, War and Peace in the Ancient World, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2007, pp.172-190.

Warburton, David. “Love and War in the Late Bronze Age: Egypt and Hatti”, Roger Matthews and Cornelia Roemer (eds.), Ancient Perspectives on Egypt, London, UCL Press, 2003, pp.75-100.

Wells, J. Warren. Sahidica - A New Edition of the New Testament in Sahidic Coptic, 2000-2007, available online at http://sahidica.warpco.com

Williams, Michael Allen. The Immovable Race: A Gnostic Designation and the Theme of Stability in Late Antiquity, Leiden, Brill, 1985.

–––––– “Stability as a Soteriological Theme in Gnosticism”, in Bentley Layton (ed.), The Rediscovery of Gnosticism, Leiden, Brill, 1981, pp.819-829

 

 VIII. Notes


1. I would like to thank those whose thoughts on this research helped me greatly, among them Nathalie Bosson, Anne Boud’hors, Vanessa Davies, Sylvie Denoix, Jean-Luc Fournet, Wolf-Peter Funk, Julie Masquelier-Loorius, Agnes Mihálykó, and Claire Somaglino; any mistakes which remain are my own.

2. I am indebted in the following brief discussion to the comments of Vanessa Davies and Claire Somaglino, who have both worked on this theme and provided me with some of their notes. See also Vanessa Davies, The Dynamics of ‘Hetep’ in Ancient Egypt, Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, University of Chicago, 2010 (non vidi); David Lorton, The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dyn. XVIII, Baltimore and London, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore and London, 1974, esp.76-78; Susanne Bickel, “Concepts of Peace in Ancient Egypt”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub (ed.), Peace in the Ancient World: Concepts and Theories, Oxford, Wiley Blackwell, 2016, pp.43-66.

3, On this treaty, see for example Ogden Goelet, Jr and Baruch A. Levine, “Making Peace in Heaven and on Earth: Religious and Legal Aspects of the Treaty between Ramesses II and Hattušili III”, in Meir Lubetski, Claire Gottlieb and Sharon Keller (eds.), Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon, Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, 1998, pp.252-299; David Warburton, “Love and War in the Late Bronze Age: Egypt and Hatti”, Roger Matthews and Cornelia Roemer (eds.), Ancient Perspectives on Egypt, London, UCL Press, 2003, pp.75-100; Trevor Bryce, “The ‘Eternal Treaty’ from the Hittite perspective”, British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan, vol.6, 2006, pp.1-11; Lanny Bell, “Conflict and Reconciliation in the Ancient Middle East: The Clash of Egyptian and Hittite Chariots in Syria, and the World’s First Peace Treaty between ‘Superpowers’”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub, War and Peace in the Ancient World, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2007, pp.98-120; Dietrich Sürenhagen, “Forerunners of the Hattusili-Ramesses treaty”, British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan, vol.6, 2006, pp.59-67; Susanne Bickel, “Concepts of Peace in Ancient Egypt”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub (ed.), Peace in the Ancient World: Concepts and Theories, Oxford, Wiley Blackwell, 2016, pp.58-60.

4. For discussions of εἰρήνη and peace in Greek thought more generally, see Minerva Alganza Roldán, “Eiréne y otras palabras griegas sobre la paz”, in F. A. Muñoz, B. Molina Rueda (eds.), Cosmovisiones de Paz en el Mediterráneo antiguo y medieval, Granada, Universidad de Granada, 1998, pp.123-152; Kurt A. Raaflaub, “Conceptualizing and Theorizing Peace in Ancient Greece”, Transactions of the American Philological Association, vol. 139.2, 2009, pp.225-250; Lawrence A. Tritle, “‘Laughing for Joy’: War and Peace Among the Greeks”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub, War and Peace in the Ancient World, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2007, pp.172-190; David Konstan, “War and Reconciliation in Greek Literature”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub, War and Peace in the Ancient World, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2007, pp.191-205; Victor Alonso, “War, Peace, and International Law in Ancient Greece”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub, War and Peace in the Ancient World, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2007, pp.206-225; Kurt A. Raaflaub, “Greek Concepts and Theories of Peace”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub (ed.), Peace in the Ancient World: Concepts and Theories, Oxford, Wiley Blackwell, 2016, pp.122-157.

5. …τήν τε χώραν ἐν εἰρήνηι διατετήρηκεν προπολεμῶν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆ[ς π]ρ̣ὸς πολλὰ ἔθνη καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτοῖς δυναστεύοντας… (OGIS 1.56a ll.11-12, 56b l.9)

6. swḏꜣ n⸗f km.t r ḥꜣy ḥr ꜥḥꜣ r-rw.t⸗s m jn.t ḥr(.t) ḥꜥ ḫꜣst.yw ꜥšꜣ.w ḥnꜥ tp.w⸗sn ḫrp.w⸗sn (Traditional Egyptian); (r) dj⸗f wḏꜣ r pꜣ tš r mlẖ jw⸗f jr mlẖ r bnr nꜣ mꜣꜥ.w nty wwy.w r-wbꜣ ḫꜣs.wt ꜥšꜣy jrm nꜣ rmt.w nty jr sḫj ẖn⸗w (Demotic); for bibliography see TM 55659.

7. NH VI 14.29-33 (TM 107746).

8. See F. Brown, S.R. Driver and C. Briggs (eds.), The Brown-Driver-Briggs Hebrew and English Lexicon, Hendrickson Publishers, 1994, s.v.

9 See for example Judges 6.23. The plural (Heb. שָׁלוֹם עֲלֵיכֶם > Gk. εἰρήνη ὑμῖν > Copt. ϯⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲛⲏⲧⲛ) does not appear in the Hebrew Bible, but seems to have become more common in the inter-testamental period, although both forms are found in Greek and Coptic. We may note the existence of an older, purely Egyptian equivalent, iy⸗k m ḥtp, “may you come in peace”, although it is notable that this usage does not survive into Coptic; for a discussion of this and related terms, see  Hans Goedicke, “Rs m ḥtp”, Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur, 34, 2006, pp.187-204.

10. “Peace” within Christianity is a huge topic; for some discussions and further references see José Comblin, La paix dans la théologie de saint Luc, Louvain, Louvain Publications universitaires de Louvain, 1956; Robert F. O'Toole, “Εἰρήνη, an Underlying Theme in Acts 10,34-43”, Biblica, vol. 77.4, 1996, pp. 461-476; Louis J. Swift, “Early Christian Views on Violence, War, and Peace”, in Kurt A. Raaflaub, War and Peace in the Ancient World, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2007, pp.279-296.

11. Again, this is the singular form; the plural is as-salāmu ʿalaykum (السلام عليكم). For an example, see e.g. P.Berl.Arab. II 23 ll.2, 11 (TM 169272; 643-700 CE).

12. All of the examples are from between the seventh and eighth centuries; these include P.Apoll. 7 & 8; P.Nessana 68, 70 & 74; SB VIII 9748 & 9752.

13. See, for example, O.CrumVC 114 ll.16, 22 (TM 83848), apparently written by a Christian man to a bishop. The Trismegistos database dates this papyrus to VI-VIII CE, but due to the uncertainties of dating Coptic papyri, and the fact that the all of the more reliably dated Greek examples are from after the Islamic Conquest, a date post 642 CE seems very likely.

14. See, for example, Deuteronomy 23.6, Psalms 119.7, Hebrews 12.11.

15. Psalm LXX 14.1: ⲛⲓⲙ ⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲙⲧⲟⲛ ⲙⲙⲟϥ ϩⲙ ⲡⲉⲕⲧⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. Unless otherwise noted, references to books of the Bible in Coptic are to the Sahidic translation (J. Warren Wells, Sahidica - A New Edition of the New Testament in Sahidic Coptic, 2000-2007, available online at http://sahidica.warpco.com). The Sahidic Old Testament is not yet fully edited, but selections and bibliography may be found under “Workspace” at the website for the Digital Edition of the Coptic Old Testament, Göttingen Academy of Sciences and Humanities (http://coptot.manuscriptroom.com/).

16. Acts of the Apostles 7.49: ϫⲉ ⲧⲡⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲁⲑⲣⲟⲛⲟⲥ ⲡⲕⲁϩ ⲡⲉ ⲡϩⲩⲡⲟⲡⲟⲇⲓⲟⲛ ⲛⲛⲁⲟⲩⲉⲣⲏⲧⲉ. ⲁϣ ⲛⲏⲓ ⲡⲉⲧⲉⲧⲛⲁⲕⲟⲧϥ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ. ⲏⲁϣ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲁⲙⲁ ⲛⲙⲧⲟⲛ.

17. The Coptic may also translate other cognate terms, such as the διαθήκη νέα mentioned by Paul in Hebrews 12.24.

18. Again, the correspondence is not one to one, and the Coptic term (as a verb) may also translate, for example, σιγή (“silence”), and the verb ἡσυχάζω (“I am still etc.”)

19. A similar contrast between “heart-rejoicing” (nfr ḥꜣ.) or “pleased-heart” (ḥꜣ.ṱ mtr) and “heart-pain” (tḥ(r) ḥꜣ.) can be found in letters written in the earlier Demotic stage of the Egyptian language; the fact that this discourse seems to drop out of usage in letters in Coptic is notable; see Mark Depauw, The Demotic Letter, Sommerhausen, Gisela Zauzich Verlag, 2006, pp.243-284. 

20. P.Mon.Epiph. 348 (TM 86881; VII CE) ll.4-6: ⲁⲡⲁϩⲏⲧ ⲙⲧⲟⲛ ⲛⲧⲉⲣⲉⲓϩⲉ ⲉⲡⲉⲕⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ ⲙ̅ⲛ̅ⲛⲁⲡⲉⲕⲏⲓ ϩⲉⲧⲟⲟⲧϥ ⲙ̅ⲡⲉⲛⲥⲟⲛ ⲁⲡⲟⲗⲗⲱ.

21. P.Kell.Copt. I 50 (TM 85901; IV CE) ll.5-10: ϯⲥⲁⲩⲛⲉ ⲅⲁⲣ ϫⲉ ⲕⲛⲁϩⲓⲥⲉ ϫⲉ ⲛ̅ⲧⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ ⲛ̅ⲟⲩⲁⲉⲧⲕ̅ ϣⲁⲣⲁ ⲟⲩⲁⲛ ⲛⲓⲙ  ϩⲉⲥⲧϥ̅ ϣⲁⲛⲧⲁϥⲙ̅ⲧⲁⲛ ϯⲛ̅\ⲟⲩ/ ⲁⲕϣⲁⲛϥⲓ  ⲕⲛⲁϫⲓ ⲙⲟⲧⲛⲉⲥ̣ ⲛ̅ϩⲟⲩⲟ⳿

22. Exodus 5.5: ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛϭⲓ ⲫⲁⲣⲁⲱ ϫⲉ ⲉⲓⲥ ϩⲏⲏⲧⲉ ⲧⲉⲛⲟⲩ ϥⲟϣ ⲛϭⲓ ⲡⲗⲁⲟⲥ ⲙⲡⲕⲁϩ ⲙⲡⲣⲧⲣⲉⲛϯ ⲙⲧⲟⲛ ϭⲉ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲛ ⲛⲉϩⲃⲏⲩⲉ.

23. Bruce Codex (Untitled Text) 261.3-12: ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉⲛⲧⲁⲩⲡⲱⲧ ⲉⲣⲁⲧϥ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⲱϣⲧ ⲛⲁϥ. ⲁϥϯ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲛⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲉⲧⲥⲁⲟⲩⲛⲁⲙ ⲙⲙⲟϥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁϥⲭⲁⲣⲓⲍⲉ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲙⲡⲱⲛϩ ϣⲁ-ⲉⲛⲉϩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲙⲛⲧⲁⲧⲙⲟⲩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁϥⲙⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲥⲁⲟⲩⲛⲁⲙ ϫⲉ-ⲧⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲙⲡⲱⲛϩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲉⲧⲥⲁϩⲃⲟⲩⲣ ϫⲉ-ⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲙⲡⲙⲟⲩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁϥⲙⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲉⲧⲥⲁⲟⲩⲛⲁⲙ ϫⲉ ⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲙⲡⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓⲛ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲉⲧⲥⲁϩⲃⲟⲩⲣ ϫⲉ-ⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲙⲡⲕⲁⲕⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁϥⲙⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲉⲧⲥⲁⲟⲩⲛⲁⲙ ϫⲉ ⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲛⲧⲁⲛⲁⲡⲁⲩⲥⲓⲥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲉⲧⲥⲁϩⲃⲟⲩⲣ ϫⲉ-ⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲙⲡϩⲓⲥⲉ (Carl Schmidt (ed.), Violet MacDermot (transl.), The Books of Jeu and the Untitled Test in the Bruce Codex, Brill, Leiden, 1978).

24. Shenoute, Canon 9: ⲁⲛⲧⲓ ⲛⲥⲉⲙⲟⲕϩⲟⲩ ϩⲛ ⲧⲛⲏⲥⲧⲉⲓⲁ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⲱⲙ ⲁⲩⲥⲱ ⲁⲩϯⲙ̅ⲧⲟⲛ ⲛⲁⲩ ϣⲁⲛⲧϥ̅ⲉⲓ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛϥ̅ⲧⲁⲕⲉ ⲛⲉⲩϩⲃⲏ[ⲩⲉ] ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲛⲑⲉ ⲉϣⲁⲣⲉ ⲡⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲥⲱⲣⲙ ⲁⲁⲥ ⲓ(ⲏⲥⲟⲩ)ⲥ ⲛⲁϯϩⲁⲡ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ϩⲙ ⲡⲉϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲩⲛⲁϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲛⲥⲁ ⲛⲉⲩϩⲃⲏⲩⲉ ⲛⲥⲉⲧⲙϭⲛⲧⲟⲩ ⲏ ⲉⲁⲩϭⲛⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲛ ⲛⲥⲉϫⲓ ϣⲓⲡⲉ ⲉϫⲱⲟⲩ ⲛⲥⲉⲧⲙⲣ ⲃⲟⲗ ⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲡⲕⲱϩⲧ ⲛϣⲁ ⲉⲛⲉϩ (E. Amélineau, Oeuvres de Schenoudi : texte copte et traduction française, Paris, Ernest Leroux, 1911, vol. II, p.505.3 -9).

25. For ⲥϭⲣⲁϩⲧ see e.g. H.E. Winlock and Walter E. Crum, The Monastery of Epiphanius at Thebes: Part I, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1926 (repr.1973), pp.12-13; for ⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ, see e.g. saying 269 in M. Chaine, Le manuscrit de la version copte en dialecte sahidique des “Apophthegmata Patrum”, Cairo, IFAO, 1960.

26. P.Bodmer 58 p.15 ll.21-22:  ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲑⲉⲟⲫⲓⲗⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲁϣⲉ ⲙ︤ⲛ ⲟⲩⲧⲉⲗⲏⲗ ⲙ︤ⲛ ⲟⲩⲙ̅ⲛ̅ⲧ̅ⲣⲙ̅ⲙⲁⲟ ⲡⲉ ⲏⲥⲩⲭⲁⲍⲉ  (Walter E. Crum, Der Papyruscodex saec. VI-VII der Philippsbibliothek in Cheltenham, Strasbourg, Karl J. Trübner, 1915).

27. P. Mon. Epiph. 574 (TM 87110; VII CE).

28. P. Mon. Epiph. 258 ll.2-5 (TM 86784; VII CE): [ⲁⲕϫⲟⲟⲥ] ϫⲉ ⲙ̅ⲡⲛⲟϭ ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ [...] ⲁⲡⲁϩⲏⲧ ⲙ̅ⲕⲁϩ ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲙ̅ⲛ̅ⲥⲱⲥ ⲁ[ⲕⲥϩⲁⲓ] ϫⲉ {ⲉⲓ}ⲥ ⲁϥⲙ̅ⲧⲟⲛ ⲁⲡⲁϩⲏⲧ ⲙ̅ⲧⲟⲛ.

29. P. Mon. Epiph. 296 ll.7-18 (TM 86829; VII CE: ⲁⲣⲓ ⲡⲛ̅ⲁ̅ ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲫⲱⲃ ⲙⲟⲧ̅ⲛ̅ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲉ̣[ⲕ]ϭ̅ⲛ̅ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉϥⲛⲁⲃⲱⲕ ⲉⲛϩⲏⲧ ⲉⲡⲙⲁ ⲛ̅ⲁⲡⲁ ⲓ̈ⲱⲁⲛⲛⲏⲥ ⲙ̅ⲡϣⲟⲩⲏ̅ⲃ̅ ⲉⲕⲣ̅ⲡⲛ̅ⲁ̅ ⲛ̅ⲅ̅ϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲁϥ ⲙ̅ⲡⲉⲕⲣⲁⲛ ⲛϥϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲉϩⲟⲩ̅ⲛ̅ ⲉⲕⲏⲃⲧ ⲛ̅ϥ̅ϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲛ̅ⲥⲁ ⲟⲩⲁⲙⲣⲏ ⲉϥⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ⲛ̅ⲧⲱⲕ ⲕⲁⲗⲱⲥ ⲁϥⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ̅ ⲛ̅ⲣ̅ⲥⲓⲣ ⲛ̅ϥ̅ϫⲟⲟⲩϥ ⲉⲣⲏⲥ ⲛⲁⲛ ϣⲁⲥⲟⲩⲥⲛⲁⲩ̅ ⲛ̅ⲛ̅ϯ ⲁϩⲣⲏ ⲛ̅ϥ̅ⲧⲱⲕ ⲛⲉⲛⲟⲉⲓⲕ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲛ̅ⲧ̅ⲛ̅ϯ ⲡⲉϥⲃⲉⲕⲉ ⲛⲁϥ.

30. Shenoute, Canon 6 (Emile Amélineau, Œuvres de Schenoudi: Texte copte et traduction française, Paris, Ernest Leroux, 1911, vol.2, p.313:10: ⲡϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲛ̅ⲧⲙⲛ̅ⲧϩⲏⲕⲉ ⲙⲛ̅ⲡⲉⲙⲧⲟⲛ ⲛ̅ⲧⲙⲛ̅ⲧⲣⲙ̅ⲙⲁⲟ ⲛⲉⲧϩⲟⲣϣ̅ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ̈ ⲉϫⲱⲛ.

31. P.Kell.Copt. 1.15 ll.27-30 (TM 85866; IV CE): ϣⲓ[ⲛ]ⲉ ⲛⲏⲓ̈ ⲧ̣ⲟ̣ⲛⲟⲩ ⲁⲛⲉⲧϯ ⲙ̅ⲧⲁⲛ ⲛⲉⲕ ⲛ̅ⲛ̣ⲉ̣ⲕⲗⲉⲕ[ⲧ]ⲟⲥ ⲙⲛ̅ ⲛ̅ⲕⲁⲑ̣ⲏⲕⲟⲩⲙ̣ⲉ̣ⲛⲟⲥ ⲡⲟⲩⲉ ⲡⲟⲩⲉ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲉϥⲣⲉⲛ.

32. Iain Gardner, Anthony Alcock, and Wolf-Peter Funk, Coptic Documentary Texts from Kellis Volume 1 (P.Kell. V), Oxford, Oxbow Books, 1999, p.53. Compare, for example, P.Fay.Copt. 20 ll.4-6 (TM 85774; VI-VIII CE): I greet those who are with you, above all those who give rest to your spirit (ⲧⲓϣⲓⲛⲓ ⲛⲉⲧⲛⲉⲙⲁⲕ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ϩⲟⲩⲁ ⲛⲉⲧⲓⲙⲧⲁⲛ ⲡⲉⲕⲡⲛⲉⲩⲙⲁ).

33. P. Mon. Epiph. 300 ll.12-14. ⲉⲓⲥ ϩⲏⲧⲉ ⲁⲓ̈ϯ ⲟⲩⲙⲏϣⲉ ⲛ̅ⲕⲟⲧ | ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ϫⲉ ⲥϩⲁⲓ̈ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ϣⲁⲛⲧⲉⲡⲙⲁ ⲙ̅ⲧⲟⲛ ⲛ̅ⲧⲉⲧⲛϯ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲓ ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲣⲟⲙⲡⲉ 

34. BL. Or. 7561, p.103 ll.2-14: ⲟⲩⲟⲓ̈ ⲛⲁⲛ ϫⲉ ⲁⲛⲡⲉⲛⲉϩⲱⲃ ⲛⲓⲙ ϣⲁⲛⲧⲛ̅ⲥⲗⲁⲁⲧⲉ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲛⲓⲡⲉⲑⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲛⲁϣⲱⲟⲩ ‧ ⲁⲛⲧⲓ ⲧⲙⲉ ⲡϭⲟⲗ ‧ ⲁⲛⲧⲓ ⲡⲧⲃⲃⲟ ⲡϫⲱϩⲙ̅ ‧ ⲁⲛⲧⲓ ϯⲣⲏⲛⲏ ‧ ⲧⲙ̅ⲛ̅ⲧϫⲁϫⲉ ‧ ⲁⲛⲧⲓ ⲡⲥⲱⲧⲙ̅ ϩⲛ̅ⲟⲩϩⲩⲡⲟⲧⲁⲅⲏ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲧⲉ(ⲛ)ⲧⲟⲗⲏ ⲁ̣ⲛ̅ⲣ̣̅ⲁⲧ̣ⲥⲱⲧⲙ̅ (Ariel Shisha-Halevy, “Two New Shenoute-Texts from the British Library”, Orientalia, Nova Series, vol. 44.2, 1975, pp. 149-185).

35. Apophthegmata Patrum 168: ⲛⲉⲩϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲇⲉ ⲛ̅ϭⲓ ⲥⲟⲛ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ ⲛ̅ϩⲁϩ ⲛ̅ⲣⲟⲙⲡⲉ ϩⲛ̅ ⲟⲩⲙⲁ ⲛ̅ⲟⲩⲱⲧ ⲙ̅ⲡⲟⲩⲙⲓϣⲉ ⲙⲛ̅ ⲛⲉⲩⲉⲣⲏⲩ ⲉⲛⲉϩ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁⲩϣⲱⲡⲉ ϩⲛ̅ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ϣⲁ ⲡⲉϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲙ̅ⲡⲉⲩⲙⲟⲩ (Chaine, Le manuscrit de la version copte en dialecte sahidique des “Apophthegmata Patrum”).

36. Canones ecclesiastici, 18.1: ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛ̅ϭⲓ ⲕⲩⲫⲁ ϫⲉ ⲛ̅ⲛⲉⲕⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲛ̅ϩⲉⲙⲡⲱⲣϫ : ⲉⲕⲉϩⲉⲧⲡ ⲛⲉⲧⲙⲓϣⲉ ⲛ̅ⲧⲟϥ ⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲙⲛ̅ⲛⲉⲩⲉⲣⲏⲩ (P. Lagarde, Aegytiaca, Göttingen, 1883, p.248).

37. P.Heid.Inv.Kopt. 686 (261) (TM 100022; X CE): ⲟⲩⲥⲓⲙⲓ ⲣⲉ ⲡⲉⲥϩⲁⲓ ⲧⲉ ⲃⲏϫ ⲉⲣⲁⲥ ⲥϩⲁⲓ ⲡⲓⲥ̅(ⲟ)ⲩ̅(ⲇⲓⲟⲛ) ⲉⲩϫⲉⲕ ⲙⲁϩⲃ : ⲛⲉϩ ϯⲁⲥⲙⲏ ⲁϣ ϯⲟⲩⲭⲏ ϩⲓϫⲟⲃ ⲧⲁϩⲥ ⲡⲉⲥϩⲁ ϣⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲏⲏⲛⲓ ⲣⲁⲥ ⲑ̅ⲩ̅(ⲥⲓⲁ) ⲙⲁⲥϯⲭⲓ ⲁⲗⲟⲩⲑ.

38. P.Heid.Kopt. 681 ll.23-25 (TM 99609; X CE):  ⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲭⲁⲣⲓⲥ : ⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲁⲣⲱϥ ⲕⲁ ⲛⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲉ : ⲕⲁ ⲛⲟⲩϩⲩⲡⲟⲥⲧⲓⲥⲙⲟⲥ ‧ ⲕⲁ ⲛⲟⲩⲥⲟⲟⲩϩⲥ ‧ ⲕⲁ ⲛⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲕⲁ ‧ ⲟⲩ ⲓⲁⲡⲓ ⲛⲓⲙ.

39. ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛϯⲣⲏⲛⲏ (< Gk. ὁ θεὸς τῆς εἰρήνης); see e.g. 1 Corinthians 14.33, 2 Corinthians 13.11, Hebrews 13.10.

40. ⲡⲉⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲓⲟⲛ ⲛϯⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ (< Gk. τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τῆς εἰρήνης), see e.g. Ephesians 6.15.

41. ⲧⲇⲓⲁⲕⲟⲛⲓⲁ ⲙⲡϩⲱⲧⲡ (< Gk. ἡ διακονία τῆς καταλλαγῆς; 2 Corinthians 5.18).

42. Romans 5.10-11.

43. Pistis Sophia 123.22-124.2: ϯⲣⲏⲛⲏ ϩⲱⲱⲥ ⲧⲉ ⲧϭⲟⲙ ⲉⲧⲛ̅ϩⲏⲧ̅ⲕ̅ ⲛ̅ⲧⲉ ⲥⲁⲃⲁⲱⲑ ⲡⲁⲅⲁⲑⲟⲥ ‧ ⲡⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲛⲧⲁϥⲃⲁⲡⲧⲓⲍⲉ ⲁϥⲕⲱ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲙ̅ⲡⲅⲉⲛⲟⲥ ⲛ̅ⲧⲙ̅ⲛ̅ⲧ̅ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁⲥⲁⲁⲩ ⲛ̅ⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲙ̅ⲛ̅ ⲛ̅ϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙ̅ⲡⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓⲛ   (C. Schmidt and V. MacDermot, Pistis Sophia, Leiden, Brill, 1978.)

44. Gospel of Truth NH I 42.17-25: ⲙⲁⲩϣⲉ ⲁϩⲣⲏⲉⲓ ⲁⲉⲙⲛ̅ⲧⲉ ⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ̅ⲧⲉⲩ  ⲫⲑⲟⲛⲟⲥ ⲙ̅ⲙⲉⲩ ⲟⲩⲧⲉ·  ⲁϣⲉϩⲁⲙ· ⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ̅ ⲙⲟⲩ ⲛ̅ϩⲣⲏⲓ̈ ⲛ̅ϩⲏⲧⲟⲩ ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲉⲩⲙⲁⲧⲛ̅· ⲙ̅ⲙⲁⲩ ϩⲛ̅ ⲡⲉⲧⲙ<ⲁ>ⲧⲛ̅  ⲙ̅ⲙⲁϥ ⲉⲩϩⲁⲥⲓ ⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲧⲉ·  ⲉⲩϭⲗⲙ̅ⲗⲁⲙⲛⲧ̅· ⲉⲛ· ⲙ̅ⲡⲕⲱⲧⲉ ⲙ̅ⲧⲙⲏⲉ.

45. P.Kell.Copt. II 54 ll.62-65: ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲧⲉⲓ̈ ⲧⲉ ⲧϩⲉ ‧ ⲉⲧϣϣ[ⲉ ⲁⲙⲁ]ⲡⲓⲥ̣ⲥ̣ⲱ̣[ⲙⲁ] [ⲁⲧⲟ]ⲩⲃⲱϣ ⲁⲃⲁⲗ ⲙ̅ⲙⲁⲩ ⲙ̅ⲡⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ‧ ϫⲁⲩ̣[ⲛⲁ][ⲡⲱ]ⲧ ⲛ̅ⲥⲁ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ‧ ⲛ̅ⲥⲟⲩϭⲓⲛⲉ ⲙ̅ⲡⲙ̅ⲧ[ⲁⲛ]  [ⲁⲧⲟ]ⲩϩⲁⲏ (I. Gardner (editor) , Kellis Literary Texts, vol.2 (Oxbow Books : 2007), pp.84-93).

46. See T.Kell.Syr./ Copt. II l.130, 145, 148, 149 (Iain Gardner, Kellis Literary Texts, Oxford, Oxbow Books, 1996, vol.1, pp.112-126).

47. See Jacques E. Ménard, “Le repos, salut du gnostique”, in Aspects du salut: Colloque du C.E.R.I.T., Université des Sciences Humaines de Strasbourg, 1977, pp.71-88; Michael Allen Williams, “Stability as a Soteriological Theme in Gnosticism”, in Bentley Layton (ed.), The Rediscovery of Gnosticism, Leiden, Brill, 1981, pp.819-829; Michael Allen Williams, The Immovable Race: A Gnostic Designation and the Theme of Stability in Late Antiquity, Leiden, Brill, 1985.

48. Matthew 10.13

49.Agnes T. Mihálykó, Writing the Christian Liturgy in Egypt (3rd to 9th cent.), unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Oslo, 2016, p.41.

50. ⲁ̀ⲣⲓⲫ̀ⲙⲉⲩⲓ̀ ⲡ⳪︦ ⲛ̀ϯϩⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲛ̀ⲧⲉ ⲧⲉⲕⲟⲩⲓ̀ ⲙ̀ⲙⲁⲩⲁⲧⲥ ⲉ̇ⲑⲟⲩⲁⲃ ⲛ̀ⲕⲁⲑⲟⲗⲓⲕⲏ ⲛ̇ⲁ̀ⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲓⲕⲏ ⲛ̀ⲉⲕⲕ̀ⲗⲏⲥⲓⲁ̀... ⲑⲁⲓ ⲉⲧϣⲟⲡ ⲓⲥϫⲉⲛ ⲁⲩⲣⲏϫⲥ ⲛ̇ⲧⲟⲓⲕⲟⲩⲙⲉⲛⲏ ϣⲁ ⲁⲩⲣⲏϫⲥ ‧ ⲛⲓⲗⲁⲟⲥ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲛⲉⲙ ⲛⲓⲟ̀ϩⲓ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲥ̀ⲙⲟⲩ ⲉ̀ⲣⲱⲟⲩ : ⲧϩⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ϯ ⲉ̇ⲃⲟⲗ ϧⲉⲛ ⲛⲓⲫⲏⲟⲩⲓ̀ : ⲙⲏⲓⲥ ⲉ̀ϧ̀ⲣⲏⲓ ⲉ̀ⲛⲉⲛϩⲏⲧ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ‧ ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲛⲉⲙ ϯⲕⲉϩⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲛ̇ⲧⲉ ⲡⲁⲓⲃⲓⲟⲥ ⲫⲁⲓ : ⲁ̇ⲣⲓⲭⲁⲣⲓⲍⲉⲥⲑⲁⲓ ⲙ̀ⲙⲟⲥ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲛ̀⳿ϩⲙⲟⲧ ‧ ⲡⲓⲟⲩⲣⲟ ⲛⲓⲙⲉⲧⲙⲁⲧⲟⲓ ⲛⲓⲁⲣⲭⲱⲛ ⲛⲓⲥⲟϭⲛⲓ ⲛⲓⲙⲏϣ ⲛⲉⲛⲑⲉϣⲉⲩ ⲛⲉⲛϫⲓⲛⲙⲟϣⲓ ⲉ̇ϧⲟⲩⲛ ⲛⲉⲙ ⲛⲉⲛϫⲓⲛⲙⲟϣⲓ ⲉ̀ⲃⲟⲗ : ⲥⲉⲗⲥⲱⲗⲟⲩ ϧⲉⲛ ϩⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲛⲓⲃⲉⲛ. ⲡ̀ⲟⲩⲣⲟ ⲛ̀ⲧⲉ ϯϩⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲙⲟⲓ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲛ̇ⲧⲉⲕϩⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ : ϩⲱⲃ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲛⲓⲃⲉⲛ ⲁⲕⲧⲏⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲛ ‧ ϫ̀ⲫⲟⲛ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲫϯ ⲡⲉⲛⲥⲱⲧⲏⲣ : ϫⲉ ⲧⲉⲛⲥⲱⲟⲩⲛ ⲛ̀ⲕⲉⲟⲩⲁⲓ ⲁⲛ ⲉ̇ⲃⲏⲗ ⲉ̀ⲣⲟⲕ : ⲡⲉⲕⲣⲁⲛ ⲉ̀ⲑⲟⲩⲁⲃ ⲡⲉⲧⲉⲛϫⲱ ⲙ̀ⲙⲟϥ ‧ ‘Abd al-Masīḥ Ṣalīb (ed.), ⲡⲓϫⲱⲙ ⲛⲧⲉ ⲡⲓⲉⲩⲭⲟⲗⲟⲅⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲑⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ (=Euchologion), Cairo, 1902, pp.276-279; translation from F.E. Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western. Vol.1. Eastern Liturgies, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1896, p.160.

51. See e.g. Genesis 15.15, 26.29, Isaiah 57.2.

52. LXX Psalm 4.9: ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲇⲉ ϩⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ϩⲓ ⲟⲩⲥⲟⲡ ϯⲛⲁⲛⲕⲟⲧⲕ ⲛⲧⲁⲱⲃϣ ϫⲉ ⲛⲧⲟⲕ ⲙⲁⲩⲁⲁⲕ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲁⲕⲧⲣⲁⲟⲩⲱϩ ϩⲛ ⲟⲩϩⲉⲗⲡⲓⲥ.

53. Mark 5.34: ⲛⲧⲟϥ ⲇⲉ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁⲥ ϫⲉ ⲧⲁϣⲉⲉⲣⲉ ⲧⲟⲩⲡⲓⲥⲧⲓⲥ ⲧⲉ ⲛⲧⲁⲥⲛⲁϩⲙⲉ ⲃⲱⲕ ϩⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ. ⲛⲧⲉⲗⲟ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲛ ⲧⲟⲩⲙⲁⲥⲧⲓⲅⲝ.

54. See Mathew Almond, A Comparative Study of Loanword Integration in Fourth-Century Coptic Literature, unpublished doctoral thesis, Macquarie University, 2011, vol.1, p.239. The variant “in peace” is not listed in the critical edition in Alfred Rahlfs (ed.), Septuaginta, id est Vetus Testamentum Graece iuxta LXX interpretes, Stuttgart, Privilegierte Württembergische Bibelanstalt, 1935.

55. Proverbs 1.33; ⲡⲉⲧⲥⲱⲧⲙ ⲇⲉ ⲉ[ⲣⲟ]ⲓ ϥⲛⲁⲙⲧⲟⲛ ⲙⲙⲟϥ ϩⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲉϥⲧⲁϫⲣⲏⲩ ⲁⲩⲱ ϥⲛⲁϭⲱ ⲁϫⲛ ϩⲟⲧⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲙ ⲡⲉⲑⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲓⲙ.

56. O.Frange 127.5-15 (TM 141049; VIII CE): ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲓ(ⲏⲥⲟⲩ)ⲥ ⲡⲉⲭ(ⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟ)ⲥ ⲙⲛ ⲛⲉϣⲗⲏⲗ <ⲛ>ⲛⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲩⲛⲁⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲱⲧⲛ ⲛⲥⲉⲁⲩⲝⲁⲛⲉ ⲙⲙⲱⲧⲛ ϩⲙ ⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲛⲟⲩϥ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲛⲥⲉϯ ⲟⲩⲛⲟϭ ⲛⲁϩⲉ ⲛⲏⲧⲛ ⲙⲛ̣ⲛⲉⲧⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ ϩⲛ ⲟⲩ[ⲉⲓ] ⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲛⲧⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧ̣[ⲉ] ϩⲁⲙⲏⲛ.

57. The Encomium of Flavianus (137.-138.2): ⲟⲩⲉⲅⲕⲱⲙⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲁϥⲧⲁⲩⲟⲟϥ ⲛϭⲓ ⲡⲉⲛⲡⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲛⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲫⲗⲁⲃⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ ⲡⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲛⲉⲫⲉⲥⲟⲥ ⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲉⲁϥⲧⲁⲩⲟⲟϥ ⲉ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲇⲩⲙⲏⲧⲣⲓⲟⲥ... ϩⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲛⲧⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϩⲁⲙⲏⲛ (E.A. Wallis Budge, Coptic Martyrdoms in the Dialect of Upper Egypt, London, 1914, p.137-138, 390-391).

58. P. Mon. Epiph. 191 ll.6-7 (TM 86724; VII CE): ⲡⲱⲗϭ ⲡⲉⲓϩⲏⲕⲉ ϩ̅ⲛ̅ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ.

59. See, for example, Richmond Lattimore, Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs, Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1942, esp. pp.306-307.

60. The origin of many of the funerary formulae has been located in liturgical texts used in funerals; see Maria Cramer, Die Totenklage bei den Kopten, Vienna and Leipzig, Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1941, pp.41-52. For further discussions of Christian funerary stelae (Greek and Coptic) from Egypt, see S. Kent Brown, “Coptic and Greek inscriptions from Christian Egypt: A Brief Review”, in Birger A. Pearson and James E. Goehring, The Roots of Egyptian Christianity, Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1986, pp.26-41.

61. O.Brit.Mus.Copt. I, LXVI, 1r,5: ⲁⲥⲙⲧⲟⲛ ⲙⲙⲟⲥ ⲛⲥⲟⲩⲙⲛⲧ ⲙⲙⲥⲟⲣⲏ ϩⲛⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ.

62. Genesis 15.15.

63. P.KRU 65.62-68 (TM 39658; 695 CE): ⲉⲣⲉⲃⲓⲕⲧⲱⲣ ⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲉϥⲟ ⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ϩⲛ ⲡⲉϥⲟⲛϩ ⲧⲏⲣϥ ⲛϥϫⲓ ⲛϥϯ ϩⲛ ⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲧⲏⲣϥ ⲁⲡⲗⲱⲥ ⲛϥⲣ ϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ϩⲛ ⲙⲛⲧϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲁⲕⲱⲗⲩⲧⲱⲥ ⲙⲉⲛⲧⲟⲓⲅⲉ ⲛϥⲣ ⲧⲇⲓⲟⲓⲕⲏⲥⲓⲥ ⲛⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ϩⲛ ϩⲱⲃ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲡⲣⲟⲥ ⲑⲉ ⲛⲧⲁϥⲛⲁⲁⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ⲉⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲙⲙⲟⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲗⲓⲧⲟⲩⲣⲅⲓⲁ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲛⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲙⲛ ⲡⲣⲟⲟⲩϣ ⲛⲡϩⲏⲃⲥ ⲛⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲡⲣⲟⲥ ⲧⲥⲩⲛⲏⲑⲉⲓⲁ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧϭⲟⲙ ⲛⲡⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓϣ ⲡⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓϣ ⲙⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲡⲣⲟ ⲛⲛϩⲏⲕⲉ ⲉⲧⲛⲁⲡⲁⲣⲁⲅⲉ ⲙⲛ ⲡϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲣⲁⲛ ⲛⲛⲉⲛⲉⲓⲟⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲛⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲙⲙⲟⲟⲩ ⲁⲡⲗⲱⲥ ⲛϥϫⲱⲕ ϩⲱⲃ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲛ ⲙⲛⲧⲥⲧⲙⲏⲧ ⲛⲓⲙ ϩⲓ ⲕⲁⲧⲁⲥⲧⲁⲥⲓⲥ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲉϥⲡⲣⲉⲡⲉⲓ ⲛⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ ⲡⲃⲓⲟⲥ ⲛⲧⲙⲛⲧⲙⲟⲛⲟⲭⲟⲥ ⲉⲩⲉⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲩⲁⲛⲁⲡⲁⲩⲥⲓⲥ ⲛⲛⲉⲛⲉⲓⲟⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲩⲥⲩⲥⲧⲁⲥⲓⲥ ⲙⲛ ⲧⲇⲓⲟⲓ{ⲏ}ⲕⲏⲥⲓⲥ ⲛⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ

64.ⲟⲩⲁ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧ ⲃⲟⲏⲑⲟⲥ ⲛⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲛⲓⲙ  ⲙⲡⲣⲗⲩⲡⲏ ⲙⲛ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲛⲁⲧⲙⲟⲩ ϩⲓϫⲙ  ⲡⲕⲁϩ ⲡⲉϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲛⲧⲁⲥⲙⲧⲟⲛ ⲙⲙⲟϥ  ⲛϭⲓ ⲧⲙⲁⲕⲁⲧⲓⲁ  ϩⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛⲏ ⲧϣⲉⲉⲣⲉ  ⲏϣⲁⲡⲉⲧⲓ ϩⲛ ⲥⲟⲩ ϫⲟⲩⲧⲁϥⲧⲉ ⲙⲡⲉⲃⲟⲧ  ⲡⲁⲱⲛⲉ ⲉⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧ ϯⲁⲛⲁⲡⲁⲩⲥⲓⲥ ⲛⲧⲉⲥⲯⲩⲭⲏ  ⲛϥⲕⲱ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛⲛⲉⲥⲛⲟⲃⲉ  ⲛⲅⲛⲟϫϥ ⲛⲕⲟⲩⲛϥ  ⲛⲁⲃⲣⲁϩⲁⲙ ⲙⲛ ⲓⲥⲁⲁⲕ ⲙⲛ <ⲓ>ⲁⲕⲱⲃ ⲁⲡⲟⲩ ⲥⲁ ⲥϥⲅ (Togo Mina, Inscriptions coptes et grecques de Nubie, Cairo, Société archéologique copte, 1942, no.313).

65. Revelation 14.11.

66. E. Amélineau, “Un évêque de Keft au VIIe siècle”, Mémoires présentés à l’Institut égyptien, vol.2, 1889, 408.8-409.8: ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲓⲱⲧ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲓⲥϫⲉⲛ ⲉⲧⲁⲕⲙⲟⲩ ϣⲁ ⲫⲟⲟⲩ ⲙⲡⲟⲩϯ ϩⲗⲓ ⲛⲉⲙⲧⲟⲛ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲓⲉ ⲛⲥⲉⲭⲁⲕ ⲛⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩϫⲓ ⲛⲟⲩⲉϣⲉ ⲛϯ ϧⲓⲥⲓ ⲛⲁⲕ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡⲓⲕⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲁϩⲏ ⲡⲁⲓⲱⲧ ϣⲁⲩⲛⲁⲓ ⲛⲛⲏ ⲉⲧϧⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⲗⲁⲥⲓⲥ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲥⲁⲃⲃⲁⲧⲟⲛ ⲛⲉⲙ ϯⲕⲩⲣⲓⲁⲕⲏ ⲁϥϣⲁⲛⲕⲏⲛ ⲛⲕⲉ ⲡⲉϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲛϯⲕⲩⲣⲓⲁⲕⲏ ϣⲁⲩϩⲓⲧⲧⲉⲛ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲛⲓⲕⲟⲗⲁⲥⲓⲥ ⲙⲡⲉⲛⲧⲏϯ ⲛⲧⲉⲛⲉⲣ ⲡⲱⲃϣ ⲛⲛⲉⲛⲣⲟⲙⲡⲓ ⲉⲧⲁⲛⲁⲓⲧⲟⲩ ϧⲉⲛ ⲡⲓⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ. ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲥⲱⲥ ⲁⲛϣⲁⲛⲱⲃϣ ⲉⲡⲉⲙⲕⲁϩ ⲛⲧⲉ ⲧⲁⲓⲕⲟⲗⲁⲥⲓⲥ ϣⲁⲩϭⲓⲧⲧⲉⲛ ⲉⲕⲉⲟⲩⲓ ⲉⲥϧⲟⲥⲓ ⲉⲡⲓϩⲟⲩⲟ. ⲉⲧⲁⲕϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲇⲉ ⲉϫⲱⲓ ϧⲉⲛ ϯⲟⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲁ ⲡϭ(ⲟⲓ)ⲥ ⲛⲓⲱⲧ ϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉϫⲱⲓ ϩⲓⲛⲁ ⲛⲥⲉϯ ⲛⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩϫⲓ ⲛⲉⲙⲧⲟⲛ ⲛⲏⲓ ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲛⲥⲉϣⲧⲉⲙϭⲓⲧⲧ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ ⲉⲧⲉⲙⲙⲁⲩ ⲛⲕⲉⲥⲟⲡ.

67. ⲛⲧⲟϥ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲡⲉ ⲧⲉⲛⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ.

68. Bruce Codex (Untitled Text) 245.22-24: ⲧⲙⲉϩϯⲉ ⲥⲉⲙⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲥ ϫⲉ-ϯⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧⲥ ⲁⲩϯ ⲛϯⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲛⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲛⲛⲁⲡϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲙⲛ-ⲛⲁⲡⲃⲟⲗ. ϫⲉ-ϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲛϩⲏⲧⲥ ⲁⲩⲥⲱⲛⲧ ⲙⲡⲧⲏⲣϥ (Carl Schmidt (ed.) and Violet MacDermot (transl.), The Books of Jeu and the Untitled Test in the Bruce Codex, Leiden, Brill, 1978).

69. Galatians 5.22: ⲡⲕⲁⲣⲡⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ⲙⲡⲉⲡⲛⲉⲩⲙⲁ ⲡⲉ ⲧⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ⲡⲣⲁϣⲉ ϯⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲧⲙⲛⲧϩⲁⲣϣϩⲏⲧ ⲧⲙⲛⲧⲭⲣⲏⲥⲧⲟⲥ ⲡⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲛⲟⲩϥ ⲧⲡⲓⲥⲧⲓⲥ.

70. Leiden Anastasi 9 p.9 l.9-p.10 l.6 (TM 100023; VI CE): ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉ  ϯⲣⲏⲛⲏ : ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲧⲁⲗϭⲟ : ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲧⲇⲓ̅ⲕⲁⲓ̅ⲟⲥⲩⲛⲏ : ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ  ⲡⲉ ⲡⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓ̈ⲛ : ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ  ⲡⲉ ⲡⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓ̈ⲛ : ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓ̈ⲥ  ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲉⲛϭⲟⲙ : ⲙⲓ̅ⲭⲁⲏⲗ ⲡⲉ ϣⲁⲩⲟⲩⲁϩⲙⲉϥ  ϫⲉ ϯⲣⲏⲛⲏ : ⲉⲧⲉ ⲡⲁⲓ̈ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓ̅ⲛ : ⲅⲁⲃⲣⲓ̈ⲏⲗ ϫⲉ ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϩⲓ̈ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ  ϩ̅ⲣⲁⲫⲁⲏⲗ ϫⲉ ⲡⲧⲁⲗϭⲟ  ⲟⲩⲣⲓ̅ⲏⲗ ϫⲉ ⲧϭⲟⲙ : ⲥⲉⲇⲉⲕⲓ̅ⲏⲗ ϫⲉ ⲧⲇⲓ̅ⲕⲁⲓ̅ⲟⲥⲩⲛⲏ  ⲁⲛⲁⲏⲗ ϫⲉ ⲧⲙⲛⲧⲥⲧ̅ⲙⲏⲧ  ⲁⲍⲁⲏⲗ ϫⲉ ⲧⲙ̅ⲧϣⲁⲛϩⲧⲏϥ ⲉⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲓ̅ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲛⲉ  ⲛ̅ⲣⲁⲛ ⲙ̅ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ : ⲁⲩⲱ  ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲛⲉ ⲛⲣⲁⲛ ⲛⲁⲣⲭⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ : ⲁⲩⲱ  ⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲛⲓ̈ⲙ ⲉⲧⲉⲟⲩⲉⲛⲧⲁⲩ  ⲙ̅ⲙⲁⲩ ⲛ̅ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲩⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ  ϩⲁⲣⲟⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲛⲧⲁⲩ ⲙ̅ⲙⲁⲩ  ⲛⲟⲩⲛⲟϭ ⲛ̅ⲃⲟⲏⲑⲓ̈ⲁ ⲉⲥⲙⲉϩ  ⲛ̅ⲛⲁⲅⲁⲑⲟⲛ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϫⲉ  ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲙ̅ⲙⲁⲛ

71. Compare The Resurrection of Jesus Christ by Bartholomew the Apostle, Recension B ll.53-6 (Angelicus M. Kropp, Ausgewählte Koptische Zaubertexte, Brussels, Fondation Égyptologique Reine Élizabeth, 1931, vol.1 pp.79-81,); London MS. Or. 5525 l.116 (TM 98056; date unknown); Michael is associated with the power of peace in both of these texts.


Pour citer cet article

K. Dosoo, "The Coptic Terminology of Peace", dans Les mots pour dire la paix dans le Proche-Orient antique et médiéval. Analyses lexicales, sur le site de recherche Les mots de la paix/Terminology of Peace [en ligne], mis en ligne le 1/6/2017, consulté le 16/11/2019